Testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza.














4647 Breinnasen



PS: I prefer to give my photograph and my address, so that my allegations are not taken for anonymities and to prevent that nobody has to think that they originate in, the people collected in the street, like affirmed it the President Kagame in Brussels.






Following the advertisement of an existence of an investigation on the crash landing of the plane, which transported President Juvénal Habyarimana and his counterpart of Burundi, with nine other people originating in three different countries: Rwanda, Burundi and France.  International newspapers, radios and televisions were pressed to disseminate

this information.  This plane belonged to the régime’s the civil aviation and flew over

a demilitarized zone; some of the journalists knew how to locate me and they contacted me to ask whether I could confirm that the allegations of the newspapers really emanated from the quoted sources, sources of which I form part.  I affirmed that it was true. 


However, considering the distortion of the information through the channels of its diffusion, I prefer to deliver this information personally, instead of letting people forward events such as they were not lived. Concerning the investigations in progress, I am not an agent of a legal institution. I was questioned with others on what we knew, and we answered. If I dare to only give this testimony; it is that my comrades fear to be assassinated by Kagame if they were expressed on this subject. It would not be the first time he does that.

Myself, I prefer to break the silence, to bear witness on the responsibility of FPR/APR in the genocide of Tutsis, the massacre of the Hutus during the war that it had to carry out and to which I took share. I want that the Rwandan and international opinion understand what occurred to Rwanda.  Because until now, only the version of the facts and their interpretation made with the liking of the interests of the FPR were made public.


At a moment when we prepare to commemorate the genocide, which carried our most expensive beings, it is time that the truth is known.  It has been ten years that Kagame proclaimed himself as the saver of Tutsis.  Whereas it is him who made possible their extermination, and who even prevented us from assisting them, whereas we had the means to do it.


In appendix of this press release, you will find a detailed testimony on what was happened on the territory occupied by the FPR. My intention is to release the Rwandans who have been held as hostage of the lie that “a man” stopped the genocide, by telling them the truth, which would make possible the reconciliation between all the Rwandans.


I thank you.


Abdul Ruzibiza


Sunday 14-03-2004





After the publication of the report of the investigation into the crash landing of the civil aircraft that transported eleven people of which civil and military eminent personalities from Rwanda, Burundi and France, among them two Presidents, Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, the newspapers which one is unaware of how they reached the detailed report of the investigation have largely made the echo these last days. For what relates to me, I will provide my testimony on the operation of the FPR and its armed branch APR because I belonged to these two organizations before taking the direction of the exile. I take this initiative with the idea that the information conveyed by the media was deformed for the profit of the latter by allotting me words, which I did not pronounce, what served the purpose of those who had advantage to continue to deny the truth on what occurred.




My name is RUZIBIZA, baptized Vénuste a few days after my birth. Since the beginning of my commitment to the service of (RPF) Family, they nicknamed me ABDUL as my code name. I kept it to my entry in the army in 1990. The reasons of that it is that at the time of the entry to the army, the members of the Family forwarded to us the ones with the others until our arrival in the zone controlled by the FPR Inkotanyi. The list of these code names preceded us. If at the request of your name, you answered by an unknown name, you were killed using an old hoe. You were taken for one infiltrated in the system of the FPR. By afterwards, when I decided to convert me with Protestantism, I chose the name of Josué. For all these names, I never denied that they belonged to me. With the army, every year that I passed there, I bore the name of RUZIBIZA Abdul. I fled the Country in the night from the 3 to February 4, 2001. I had the rank of second lieutenant, with my number of OP 1920.


I was born in Gitagata, Kanzenze commune in Bugesera. I am of the tutsi ethnic group, resulting from the clan of Abanyiginya, in the family of Abahindiro. My mother is also of the ethnic group of the tutsi of the clan of Abatsobe. I am of tutsi origin on the two sides of my parents, and I am orphan of father and mother. My two parents and my six brothers and sisters were killed, victims of the genocide of 1994. I was eyewitness of the events of which I tell you unfolding; I say it in my membership of the army and the Family of the FPR, as one of the soldiers of the APR which fought for the control of their zone of combat, I also say it like pertaining to the ethno group tutsi. I would like especially that those who will have the occasion to read my writings can know the truth about certain events of great importance, that marked the long walk started by the FPR, but which, arriving at the point where the country had to be released, made the fatal error, which generated the tragedy of the genocide.







1. I am convinced that it was necessary to engage the war against the Habyarimana regime because it denied certain basic rights to the majority of its fellow-citizens including mainly the Tutsi. I however believe that other ways, which are not the recourse to the war should have been tested before taking the weapons. However, no other country was laid out to provide us weapons, because the NRA was the only national army of a country able to help us. Personal relations between Rwandan and nationals within the Ugandan army, often enameled contempt with regard to Rwandan in a country for which they had fought, are one of the principal causes which pushed the Rwandan ones to want to leave the Ugandan territory, without counting on patience that could require long negotiations, which could go up to five years.


2. I am convinced that there was premeditation of the genocide of Tutsi, planned by the high leaders of the Country and the levels in charge of safety. It was carried out by the Hutu population, except for some Tutsi, which being transformed into Hutu were taken part in it. I am convinced that this genocide would never have been possible without the elements which started it, because even if the Hutu had been taken of madness, it was not possible that they awake the morning and sharpen their machetes to cut out Tutsi until a million people. I am also convinced that the FPR by its armed branch the APR killed with premeditation, on order and the attentive glance of its Chief Paul Kagame. Moreover, I am convinced that the genocide was the result of the problems raised by the war started in 1990, especially by the behavior of the APR in the areas, which it had conquered. I will explain this later.


3. I am convinced and I affirm that the APR massacred people of all ethnic groups, with the objective to sow anarchy to facilitate its seizure of power, with price even if the price were the extermination of a whole people.


4. I do not believe at all that the FPR and its army, myself including, ever stopped the genocide. Rather, I am convinced that we drove out the army of the FAR, Interahamwe, Impuzamugambi of the CDR and affiliated youth, thus after having broken the forces which supported the Government, we seized the power. I will explain that too.


5. I am convinced and I affirm that the exhumed bodies of the common graves are not only those of Tutsi, because I know common graves where Inkotanyi threw mixes bodies with the people they killed, they were exhumed together by qualifying them all of Tutsi. 


6. I am convinced that if the FPR had wanted it, the genocide should not have taken place.   I am convinced that so even if the Government and Interahamwe had planned

to exterminate Tutsi within the framework of the genocide, the APR had just acquired the power, which enabled him to reduce the damage by a million died to less than one hundred thousand. 

This means that the FPR did not bring its assistance to the threatened people whereas it had the means of them. I will provide explanations of this.


7. I am convinced that after our seizure of power, which was accompanied by massacres of population, arbitrary acts of arrests and war of aggression against Zaire, it is impossible for the current regime to proceed to the installation of an impartial justice, because the magistrates directly or would be indirectly implied in these horrors under the threat and the pressure of Sir Kagame who dictates his will with all, in his current position of the head of the Country.


8. I believe from the bottom of my heart that the allegations on the responsibility of President Paul Kagame, who gave the order to shot down the plane of Habyarimana, are true. The testimonies, which were given about it, do not all emanate from me, I am not able of it, and I could not be personally everywhere that one tells.  Testimonies emanate from several sources, exiled and even those who did not flee the country. Me I decided to speak with the radios and international televisions, because the means at my disposal allow it. Nobody is unaware of that any individual who not only would try to

speak about the inculpation of Kagame, but which quite simply would be allowed to express his only intention to charge him, would expose himself to being killed before he/she did not have time to say anything. International courts or other authorities that will receive competences to act legally will be able to decide if the fact of cutting down the plane took place, while having the evidence and the mandate which make it possible to designate Kagame as author of this crime or to determine that it is him who gave the order to make it happen. Let us satisfy ourselves by giving them time; those who deny these facts and those who affirm them will have the occasion to clash in front of the courts. Me I can speak until the limit of my knowledge, the others will take turns progressively.


9. I am convinced that the Rwandan people has just spent 10 years under the cane of soldiers men from the bush, the Rwandan ones lost confidence in one another, nobody can express himself freely or point finger the responsibility for the FPR in the atrocities of the baptized war of liberation. If information on the unfolding of this war were made available to a greater number of people, much explanation on the origin of the tragedy would be found, and thus the reconciliation could be based on bases of the truth, which would emerge some.


10. I believe of the content of my heart that all those leaders of the country who spend their time with the radios and televisions to contradict the results of the survey by describing them as handling of the French State want to divert the attention of the population of the truth on the crimes that they themselves made. As for the President Kagame, who says that these are rumors, which are assembled of left on the right that mean nothing in his eyes. I see the things differently, and it will not be long for him to realize that he knowingly made worse errors that caused the loss of innumerable human lives.






I do not have time to reconsider the history, but the FPR is a collective of small associations of former Rwandan refugees in the various countries. I will insist on young people of the 15 years old and more, who studied in Burundi, in Tanzania, Zaire and in Uganda. They were seedbeds of recruitment of the army. The first had been made recruit by the NRA, the others joined at the beginning of the war.


The important is that young people had grown by nourishing the conviction that the elder ones who one called Inyenzi, had very badly behaved not to gain the victory for which they had fought for. The FPR initially settled in the heads of the young people in the hope

that all the problems will be solved by them, i.e. by the army, since they did not consider any other strategy than that to fight for their country. In short, people had prepared to resolve the problem by the military way and thought that all was going to depend on the reports of force. This is why, the head of the Army Paul Kagame, was much more powerful than the President of the FPR.

Since the beginning, I personally noted this error because the consequences continued

to worsen the situation and even currently this established fact did not change. They are the soldiers, their hierarchy, and their services of information, which direct the country.


On the question relating to the reasons, which pushed the FPR to attack immediately after its foundation, without awaiting for the results of the negotiations which Rwanda carried out with Uganda on the problem of the Rwandan refugees, the FPR made a point of ruining them while having found the pretext of attacking. 


President Museveni was shown to have recruited too many Rwandans in the Ugandan army because the Rwandan ones were numerous to occupy most of the senior officers positions. The examples of those who were indicated as Rwandans that they want it or not were numerous: Major Général Fred Lay Rwigyema, Major Général Mugisha Muntu, Colonel Mateeka, Lt Colonel Adam Wasswa, Major Cris Bayingana, Major Peter Bayingana, Major Samuel Kanyemera Alias Kaka, Major Paul Kagame, Major Ndungutse, Major Kale Kayihura of Bufumbira, and other subalterns of which captains and lieutenants, like Twahirwa Louis, Musitu, Karangwa Bombi, Gashumba, Cyiza,

Bagire, Ngoga, Muhire, Kaddafi, Nyamurangwa, Musana, Bigabiro. One cannot all enumerate them, and the majority of them were commanders of companies or more. What irritated more the Ugandans, it was that the Rwandan ones had seized the important places within the strategic positions: services of information and military finances, presidential guards and that of Rwigyema; the others directed the military operations. That irritated the nationals and caused tensions between the Ugandan and the Rwandan ones. Those who chose the date of October 1, 1990 to start the war did no find other solutions.


October 1990 many did not believe that the Rwandans were escaped prisoners of the Ugandan military camps, but really they deserted from the Ugandan army. But this does not want to say that President Museveni was not informed by his services of information. However while following the military procedure, the last one that discussed the information to be forwarded to the President Museveni was a Rwandan, as that to whom he entrusted his secrecies. Those who crossed the border the first and second days of the

offensive formed a manpower a little higher than 3 000. Nobody wanted to be opposed at the desertion of such people, especially that one said oneself: "Leave quickly so that we can recover our stations".

Errors made:

Rwigyema was quickly killed by some of his soldiers; those who planned his assassination have abstained to take the direction of the army not to be discovered; one could immediately suspect them of having thus acted to seize the command of the army. He was killed whereas he was the only one with the knowing of how the war had been planned.

When Kagame was requested by the President Museveni to direct the APR, the soldiers quickly showed it of "Pilato", and stated that they did not want him at their head. Major Peter Bayingana says to him: "You are physically and mentally inapt, how can you claim to direct men? That he was to turn over to whom had sent him, and that he was inapt and unable to direct people. That if that who had sent him wanted to express contempt towards the other leaders of the military operations, he had only to appoint a Ugandan soldier to the head of the APR. To seize the throne of the command of the army, Paul Kagame returned escorted of more than 10 jeeps, accompanied of the Major general Salim Saleh and soldiers of PPU of the personal guard of Museveni, and it was the same day that Bayingana and Bunyenyezi were assassinated...

Since this day, Afande Kagame began the long voyage that continues so far; he has directed with an iron hand people of whom he knew that they did not like him at all.


This had harmful consequences, because the direction of the army was entrusted to somebody who did not have confidence in person, at such point that he was occupied personally of all the details; he divided the army into factions, transformed into agents of denouncement; introduced the reign terror and the least counterpart was sanctioned by the death penalty with the old hoe as if it were a question of killing out of the pigs.

Within the framework of the division of this army with a view to ensure its domination, he introduced the designation of people by cataloguing them in "positive 1", "positive 2" until the "positive 5". Positive the 1 was those coming from Uganda, those cover confidence everywhere where they were, 2 was implemented to those coming from Tanzania, 3 with those coming from Burundi, 4 with those coming from Zaîre, 5 with those coming from Rwanda. The latter, even if they were tutsi, were to wait at least two years to deserve the least confidence. It was the same thing to reach the headquarters of the army, because the command was monopolized by those coming from Uganda in the

proportion of 95 %. The justifications given to this discrimination were that they were

better with the military art, and that they were the only ones able to direct the engagements. There is nothing truth in all that, they were quite simply pretexts to impose the domination from the "positive 1".


Most annoying was that the least fault made by a French-speaking recruit was rigorously sanctioned. The capital punishment with the old hoe was inflicted or you were inserted blows of bayonet in the body until death follows from there.

To have made suspicion on one’s fault, tiredness when one could not advance any more, the attack dysentery following the bad hygienic conditions: here are defects for which "positive 1" would said: "Here are somebody who took taste with the easy life, it is a dog to be cut down, who can be of no utility ". When you were not able any more to walk because of the wounds, one gave the order to complete you immediately. These cruel acts of torture decreased following the round that Paul Kagame carried out in Burundi where members of the RPF family there prohibited him from continuing to kill their children with the old hoe as the pigs are killed. That if he did not want them to fight any more, he had only to let them set out again and resume their studies. After this warning, people started to breathe. On the other hand, those who could fight and who came from Uganda could commit the most odious crimes, they did not undergo tough punishment, but a sorrow of imprisonment of short duration, and took again their functions little afterwards.

Reconsidering a little bit the beginning of the war in October 1990, General Rwigyema in his tactic, had planned to attack by the Mutara region by the park of Akagera, localities that were very lightly populated. They were advantageous to people in spite of the difficulties encountered to find water and food. They were also more advantageous, in that they enabled him to save a sufficient time to be able to explain to the population the motivations of the war started by the FPR. By humility, Rwigyema took care not to be at the origin of the causes, which could involve the slaughter of innocent populations in combat, which one could avoid.


It is not what Kagame conceived, because Mutara did not abound in food, because there were no heights to be protected from the heavy weapons, that in the low lands one was exposed to all the shootings; that it was finally advantageous to pass on heights to reduce the number of dead and casualties. It should be noted that except for the volcanoes, all these hills were highly populated by Hutu bakiga, who one said that they were hostile to Inkotanyi that fought for the re-establishment of feudal monarchy.

In the area of the Volcanoes, the soldiers perished massively. Because of the hunger, cold, dysentery, each unity lost between 5 and 10 people during the first 5 months. For Kagame, that was of no importance, all that made understand that if one refused to obey his orders, he was going to make use of his gun to be obeyed by force. It was that speech that he did not cease repeating with the soldiers at the time of his visits to the unities.




The First Stage: November 1990 until July 1991.


This stage corresponds to the tactic of dissemination of the guerrillas in all the directions to cause the dispersion of the governmental troops on all the borders of the country to direct the attacks on less strengthened faces. This strategic advantage was obtained by having recourse to a wild cruelty as I will describe it while referring to me with the

geographical configuration of North.

Attacks in the localities of Muvumba, Kiyombe, Nkana, Rushaki, Kaniga-Gatuna and in the surroundings were launched with an exceptional violence: for example, to condense the populations in the same place and then use machine gun against them indistinctly, to collectively rape women and the girls and kill them afterwards under the pretext of preventing that they do not throw a bad fate to them during the combat, to drive out the populations and to despoil their goods, to continue in their displacements to make them die from hunger, to destroy their houses and to sell their sheets in Uganda, to shave the dwellings so that the owners do not have to think any more of going back there.


On the side of Cyumba, Butaro, Nkumba, Kinigi, Mukingo and in the surrounding areas,

military operations were similar to those carried out in Mutara. The important thing in all that was that people understand that Kagame was the only man to plan the course of operation of combat, to indicate the targets to be reached, to ensure of it the follow-up in all its execution so that no other initiative can be carried out apart from his plan. The armed forces of the Habyarimana government had consolidated their defensive positions so that it was very difficult to cross them to enter to the deep country. I can quote some examples.


In Mutara, for the localities of Nyagatare, Rwempasha, Kangoma, Mabare, Mutojo,

Bushara, Kabuga, Nyabihara, Gikagati, Karama, ... each Inkotanyi soldier was conscious of the imminence of the danger. In the localities of the Center, Gatonde, Kaniga I, Kaniga 2, Mukono, Kivuye, everyone knew that one could not venture there.

In Ruhengeri, the positions best strengthened were in Nyamicucu, Butaro-Runaba, Rwabutama, Kinyababa, Muremure, Kagano, Bisate, and everywhere else as in Ruhengeri, Kinigi, ... What I want to show is that each attempt to attack these

localities was violently pushed back, we were put in rout. We had to wash the shame of our failures by proceeding to reprisals on the local populations to make transport our casualties and our dead soldiers’ corpses and to make keep and transport the cattle and the goods plundered to them, then they had to make them dig the tombs in which they were going to be buried, times, one ordered them to kill one another until the last of them, who was in his turn killed by an APR soldier. When the things occurred differently, the populations were connected arms to the legs, one will break their cranium with the old hoe, or one will insert into them blows of knives in the coasts until dead follows from there.  Pretexts to kill them so atrociously did not miss, they were for example asking people to reveal the secrecies of the MRND, "how do the soldiers prepare to attack us? », justifications were of all this kind.


When all these macabre acts were finished, we folded up ourselves on our back basis in Uganda. The lie of the FPR since then started, the FPR never acknowledges its crimes. We often swore on our honor that we are not on the Ugandan territory. That continued thus until the release of the war of aggression against Zaire, nobody acknowledged that the APR had crossed the Zairean border.


Second stage: from July 1991 in June 1992:


It is at this time that the APR tried to occupy one of the portions of territory along the border with Uganda. And yet, where the occupation was possible, that point was reached only when all the population was exterminated, the survivors were to flee, and the authorities of the Habyarimana regime could only gather them in reduced spaces, where they received insufficient quantities of food, sheeting to build their small shelters.

If the researchers wanted to know the reasons, which made this genocide possible, they should start by studying this situation (1).


The FPR undertook the tactics to attack the enemy by circumventing it, we cut all the ways of provisioning to him behind him. This tactic was advantageous for FPR Inkotanyi which had insufficient equipment, it pushed the enemy to leave his defensive positions and to move away some. It was a tactic attacks defensive because it was not possible to

resort to the traditional tactics. We were fewer, and much less equipped than the governmental forces. Here harmful consequences resulting from this situation:


1. To circumvent the enemy means that one avoided the line of face between the armies to penetrate in the zones inhabited by the civil population behind the positions of the governmental army. This population not relying on us, it denounced our presence near the governmental army, who could attack us after us to have located and have counted. Among this population, that which was suspected of having seen to us was to be killed, because we did not have the means of maintaining it with the secrecy and did not know how long it was necessary to remain on the spot. That wants to say that each time we had to circumvent the enemy, we had received the ORDER TO KILL ALL the POPULATION WITHOUT PITIE.


2. To venture far from the line of face and our positions meant that we had to survive, thanks to the food that we find on the spot. The population had to be killed to plunder its goods and to destroy the houses to seize the cattle: goats, hens, cows, we nourished ourselves. It happened that one has all that in abundance for then wasting it; each one of us cut down his own animal, and took the parties he wanted to then throw the remainder; for 20 soldiers for example 2 cows, 10 hens, 3 goats were killed for them. All of that, for anybody who knows the poverty of Rwandan, the Hutu who was never informed of the ideology of the FPR, that he only saw coming to kill his children, to rape his wife, to despoil his cattle and to plunder the goods for which he had spent all his forces on, to drive out from his house which one destroyed; that is who wants to understand how the genocide was possible could also start here (2).


3. Sign exhaustion, at a certain time it happened that the Advisers of Sector, Burgomasters, Armed forces required of the population under their control to raise dogs on the level of each establishment, so that by their sense of smell they bark before the arrival of Inkotanyi soldiers, and that the population has time to run away. These practices made perish a considerable number of citizens; the tactics of skirting of the governmental positions made it possible to avoid the centers of the population, and while believing to flee, fell into the claws from Inkotanyi which killed everyone, thanks to the darkness of the night, without letting some only one escape, under pretext which they were IBIPINGA (adverse) who preferred to die for the MRND. Even if I inserted this paragraph in this stage, each time Inkotanyi had carried out the skirting of the positions of the army, they started by exterminating the local population


To trap with mines, to draw on buses which transported travelers in the frontier areas

are acts which were carried out on a daily basis, so much so that mines were trapped in potato fields, to cut the legs to the peasants and definitively to prevent them from

returning to their fields. This was sad. Peasants, obliged to leave their grounds, had nothing to eat, or simply corn and beans lived having given up their banana plantation, without being able to return to harvest their manioc (cassava roots), their potatoes, or their vegetables. It had rather to be made so that the moved populations have occasions

to return to them. The majority returned to recover clothing. And yet, the forces armed of the FPR had received the order to kill them without another form of lawsuit. What could generate the fact of making die people of hunger, by preventing them from collecting the fruits of their work, if it is not the genocide? Who wants to know why the genocide was possible should once again start by studying this case (3).


4. The camps of people moved by the war had been established in well-known localities

as those which I will quote:

Rukomo-Rwebare (Muvumba), this camp I saw it several times of my eyes, was destroyed by heavy weapons like the mortars of 120 mm, that of Rukara, and that of Mutagomwa were destroyed with the Lance Rockets Multiple (LRM) 107 mm, the Katiusha in Murangira unit, time with other like the Commander Kyakabale of the Ugandan army lent it to Inkotanyi the mortars 23 mm, 33 mm, 14.5 mm to destroy the camps full with displaced people. It happened that we are not able any more to have explanation on the thoughts of our chiefs. We were numerous to note that the sufferings caused to the

population were sufficiently atrocious not to have to add of them others by the use of the heavy weapons. This camp like many others, following the example of that of Runaba, Nkumba, Muhambo were used by way to test like fields of drive for the shootings of anti-aircraft missiles. One drew from the missiles flamers over the camps, and those who were involved to fire the transportable missiles with the hand, found a ground of implementation. Often the missiles exploded in the center of the camp to kill the

occupants (displaced people). These threats forced the displaced to move again, to go to seek refuge possible further. Some moved arrived at Nyacyonga, close to Kigali, after being dislodged more than 20 times in less than two years. It was impossible that families arrive in their entirety at Nyacyonga, some displaced who fled the camps destroyed with the heavy weapon buried there initially the members of their families killed: a child, a woman, a husband or a brother, before leaving. Here another explanation of the massive participation in the genocide (4).


Third stage: since the attack of Byumba at the beginning of June 1992 to April 6, 1994


The attack of Byumba was launched by way of test. The FPR wanted to know if it were able to occupy at the same time a greater extent of the territory, because with the development of the negotiations, it wanted to make a show of force so that its claims are granted to him by the pressure of its growing military power. I point out that all the times that there were negotiations; Kagame never said to its army that they could lead to something of good. He repeated unceasingly that the arrival in Kigali was not possible

unless using the fire of the gun. These attacks of great scale led us until Rukomo, beyond Byumba in direction of Kigali. It was the same thing on the left and on the right: Mukarange, a party of Kinyami, Buyoga, Rushashi, one starts from Ngarama, Cyumba, Kivuye, ; in all these localities, people who had not had the possibility of fleeing these attacks were massacred. This point also constitutes an enigma, because the FPR made a serious error there. It also turned over to Uganda to encourage the populations to come to Rwanda to collect the abundant harvest left by the displaced, and to help them to occupy this vast territory, which RPF had just conquered for them. People answered the appeal massively to return to Rwanda. The news was spread quickly at displaced, what corroborated the propaganda of the government, which taught that Inkotanyi had come to kill, to despoil the properties of their former occupants, to restore feudal monarchy, to forward the Hutu to the tutsi domination and the known slavery of the old tutsi regime. Here is another way by which the hatred of the Hutu was poked until reaching the genocide (5).


During this stage, the FPR realized that it was able to conquer greater extents of the

territory and to occupy them. So that it is possible, it was necessary to carry out a second test to increase their territory, but it was necessary to find convincing reasons for them.

Firstly, the negotiations and the mechanisms of implementation of cease-fire had been just signed. For the moment, the FPR or rather Kagame and its army planned that in spite of the result of the negotiations on agreements of peace, it was necessary to seek occasions to reopen the hostilities. It is here that it was conceived to create a special squadron, which was under the only orders of Kagame and his closest collaborators: Kayumba Nyamwasa, James Kabarebe and Charles Kayonga. This squadron changed name with the liking of the circumstances, but here the no exhaustive list of the names that it had to carry: NETWORK COMMANDO, or TECHNICIANS, or CDR COMMANDO.


These names adapted to the small groups, instead of the execution of the mission, or with the various objectives. Those, which were assigned to the supervision of the activities of

party CDR were baptized CDR Commando. Those which supervised the activities of the men who split the firewood in the army of Habyarimana, boys of city in Kigali, servants of the high personalities in charge for the country, technicians were baptized, etc.


What is important to know is that this squadron was designed in a sophisticated way, so much so that even those who formed part of it did not know, except for those who were formed together or for those who came from the same unity. The creation of this special squadron had as an aim of:

A. To sow the disorder and anarchy inside the country to cause occasions to show the government to be responsible for the crimes of assassinations having to be used for the resumption of the hostilities;

B. To plant the mines through the country in a more organized way;

C. To establish cells of the FPR inside the country, to diffuse its ideology, to recruit

accomplices, to poison drinking water consumed by displaced people, spy on  the enemy inside his line of face;

D. To organize assassinations of the political personalities targeted by the FPR.

Meanwhile, there was the attack of February 8 1993 which aimed to test the capacity to go on Kigali, to evaluate the work achieved by Network in the research of the reasons to reopen the hostilities, even if the negotiations were in hand.

Atrocities were made at this time, because where I was in certain communes of Ruhengeri, I remember that at "Base" in February, the soldiers who were there killed out of people of which they burned the corpses. Not having been able to be buried, these

bodies broke up along the road and of the river "Base", until the moment when soldiers of the GOMN had suddenly passed. They were indignant at this state of decomposition of the bodies and of allowed to go to ask whether we did not have shame to live with

corpses in a state of decomposition. We called the population to help to bury these corpses, but when the GOMN was withdrawn, these people were also killed.


It is at the same time that we began from the cruel acts of destruction of infrastructures like the electric pylons of Ntaruka, attacks of the dwelling houses of the authorities to the grenade; I remember that the houses of Rucagu and Colonel Gasake were thus destroyed, it was in Nyarutovu and Cyeru... Nobody can forget the made atrocities with Ruhengeri when Inkotanyi were found in impossibility of occupying the city. People know what occurred to Musanze, with the ITIRU and Karwasa, Kigombe and Kinigi, the inhabitants of this area will never forget what occurred in this locality. And nobody is unaware of the atrocities made by Inkotanyi in Ngarama, Buyoga and elsewhere.




Kagame had planned to put the negotiations in failure and to invade Kigali, while Habyarimana planned how to face what he called his enemies, which we really were. He created an armed militia, which received a military drive of the armed forces, communal police force, gendarmerie, and of the same services of the Presidency. This youth that will make the tragedy was omnipresent in all the country. And yet all were not of equal virulence in their eagerness to kill Tutsi. This point must be made available of the public, because it is an authentic fact. Any individual who lived in Rwanda during this period can attest it.


At the beginning of the attacks of Interahamwe with Bugesera, Kibirira, at Bagogwe, attackers arrived each time in the buses of the ONATRACOM coming from

the camps of war displaced people of Ruhengeri or Byumba. These same people knew already the APR persecutions and cruelty. Other youths Hutu from other region did not understand yet the inhuman behavior their comrades who killed people wildly as one kills out of the flies with a great fury. The majority of the attacks identified before the genocide were launched by these young people, whose cruelty is to be sought in two origins: Government and the FPR. That is why who wants to know how the genocide was possible can also think of these facts (6)


For the FPR, the MRND acted without the knowledge in accordance with the wish of

the FPR, because when the MRND involved Interahamwe, the FPR found the occasion to plant mines and to reject the responsibility for it on the Government, and found there the justification to take again the hostilities, while the International Community blamed the Habyarimana regime. I do not deny that Interahamwe like the other extremists planted

mines. For the FPR, it was also the occasion to train the commandos of Network, because, when the negotiations were going on, RPF took the opportunity to train more troops and to organize sessions of formation. During only 1993, the FPR trained its forces in the following fields:

- It trained two battalions of commandos and other small unities of less importance;

- It formed more than 400 soldiers intended to form part of the gendarmerie;

- It formed more than four groups of instructors. It planned that in the event of war, each unity has its own instructors to form the new recruits quickly;

- It trained all the officers command leadership;

- It sufficiently trained its soldiers with the urban guerrilla warfare, within each unity;

- It trained and trained the soldiers to make long steps, transporting all the individual equipment, each man with his cartridges and of the bombs allowing him to resist during several days while waiting for that the new provisioning arrives;

- It trained the soldiers in what it called the true history of Rwanda, which was not necessarily different, but which was exempted with the objective to insist on the fact that

the best remedy for the problem arising lay in the inversion of Habyarimana and its regime and in the need for the seizure of power by the FPR.


The weight of this was very important because the soldiers never thought that peace could come from the agreements of Arusha. On this point, the FPR adopted the same attitude as that of the extremists of the CDR and the MRND and other Power, the difference being that the FPR taught it to its soldiers without making publicity of it while, on its side, the MRND was praised some with the radio and in the newspapers, the refrain being that the agreements of Arusha were paper rags, or that they were like a dog in decomposition.


During this stage of the war, the FPR/APR managed to control the methods of intoxication of the public opinion enabling him to trap the Habyarimana régime, and all the errors it made were easily rejected on Habyarimana and its government.

We were in the stage where the agreements of peace had been just signed, but where two men, Habyarimana and Kagame, two enemy Generals who are at war, and who if they met somewhere in the country would not hesitate to draw one mortally over the other.


We were in the stage where the FPR obtained the certainty that, if it wanted, it would sow the disorder to seize the power, but also, where it was ready to yield to the international pressure to enter to the government. He as the extremists of Habyarimana did not want to intend to speak about this way of power sharing as a durable solution with the problems arising. This is why each one planned an alternative solution if they would have been constrained to cohabit with a view to cause the rupture of the agreements concluded between the two protagonists of the conflict.

Here is what was planned on both sides:

- Habyarimana created what he indicated as civil defense, which did not even dissimulate its intention to disseminate weapons within the population, in each cell and each sector of the country that will be used later on to sow disorders.

- He created armed militia to refuse the signed agreements, even those signed by him. They were ready to make anything with the simple signal.

- He imposed on Radio RTLM on Radio Rwanda and other small affiliated newspapers, the same leading line for saying that the agreements of Arusha were not of any utility for the Rwandans. 

- He bought new military equipment that was added to the old ones, so that one disseminates them in all the country.

- He made draw up lists of all the people who had children or brothers within the FPR Inkotanyi, those which were suspected of propagating the ideology of the FPR, those who sought financings to him, Hutu who behaved as of Tutsi, I want to say those who supported the fight of the FPR, so that as soon as possible, all are massacred. Nobody knew the day when these massacres were to be carried out.

- This is different from what the FPR propagates which supports that it was established the list of all Tutsi so that they all are killed. It is a lie because if Tutsi were to be killed simultaneously, that supposes that each one of them was to be carried out by his neighbors, and these neighbors knew each other very well in order not to have to try hard to draw up the list of Tutsi, because even the little children grow up hearing people talking  about them at the village.


Here, I would like to stress that even with the death of Habyarimana, and even if he had not been killed, the objective was to massacre all the people inventoried on well drawn

up lists, and it is what occurred except for some fortunate, all the others whose one had planned death were massacred in the three days that followed the death of Habyarimana.


On the side of the Government, I affirm that Habyarimana in person or on pressure of his

entourage, wanted that these lists are elaborated, and he knew that at a convenient period, the people appearing would be carried out there.

Another point that I do not want to forget, and which appears serious to me, it is that the human life which is usually sacred in Rwanda, had become like the water that runs, especially for Tutsi; I please say that finally Habyarimana and his extremists had sensitized the Hutu of the CDR and Interahamwe that to pour the blood of Tutsi was a banal act. They had been exerted there in Kibirira, in Bugesera, and at Bagogwe, to test that to pour the blood was possible, and that those who did it did not have to tremble. This was serious so much that, as I announced, the other Hutu of the villages and the sectors, and even those of the MRND, were not killers, they were astonished by the behavior and the projects of Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi; others fought them until generated disorders within the political parties. Nobody is unaware of how the youth of the MDR (Inkuba), PSD (Abakombozi) and PL (liberals) faced Interahamwe.

All that occurred until Habyarimana manage to divide them into Power and Amajyogi. In short, the extremists sensitized their youths to give death without being worried. Here another sign that made the genocide possible (8).


On the FPR/APR side, many things were done that prepared the last day for Tutsi.

- For reasons of control of the Ugandan border, the FPR made enter as much as possible of ammunition to Rwanda, for a use of long duration. This was held at the end of September 1993, on three different localities, and for two reasons:

-To take again the hostilities in a decisive way to seize power, in the contrary case, to dissimulate to use them to sow the disorder after our entry in the Government with a view to seize power by the force... For that, who wants to understand Network, here there is a signal. Those who were selected, myself y included, have to dig very large pits, as where I was, the cavity measured 50 m X 30 m X 7 m. We deposited ammunition there and bombs of various gauges of 7,62 mm, 11.5 mm, 12.7 mm, 14.5 mm, 23 mm, 37 mm, 75 mm, 76 mm, 81 mm, 82 mm, 107 mm, 120 mm, 122 mm. Ugandan citizens transported all this armament. They were more than 1.000 and transported it a whole day.

We who had the load to ensure the guard of it, we were agreed that one among us could result in the death of all with the old hoe if this secrecy escaped. In this place, three among us were shot because they had been to buy cigarettes without the authorization of the commander. What was affirmed to us by Kabarebe and Kayumba Nyamwasa was that even if it were that we enter to the Government, that there was no question for us of remaining there. We were going to be installed very close of the hiding-places of our

equipment on the border between Uganda and Rwanda, that one was going to supply us discreetly, until the moment when it will be possible to make a coup d'etat.

The other hiding-place was in Kirama in Mutara, Bungwe in Cyumba, and between Kaniga and Gatonde. Actually, nothing other was considered if it is not to be able to sow the disorders to seize the power. Very few people were implied in this affair, one counted them at the end of the fingers, it was Kagame himself, Kabarebe his second, Kayumba Nyamwasa, the Chief of the Information, Colonel Ngoga in North, Colonel Bagire in Mutara, Major Jacob called Rubondo who was responsible for military logistics and others who arrived in visit organized by the persons in charge for the military operations or those who were sent to us. The soldiers of the FPR who were selected for this kind of work were to deserve a very great confidence, and it is among them that one recruited those who went spy on the town of Kigali before the assassination of Habyarimana.


- Several soldiers were disseminated everywhere in the country, with mission of posing the mines, to establish the basic structures of the FPR, to involve with the handling of weapons those who could shoulder to us during the war, to know the operation of each political party, to mix with youths of the political parties, and to follow closely those which the FPR decided D ' to eliminate.


- The FPR and its frameworks penetrated in the buffer zone, demilitarized zone, where it started to propagate its ideology. For me it was a good deed, only the error that was made was that whoever did not adhere immediately to this ideology was killed with blows of the old hoe. Generally all its family was carried out little time afterwards.

The FPR tested its tactic of intoxication of the public opinion by allotting to the MRND the crimes for which it was the author. For example the FPR assassinated people whom it had in aversion or not, to cause occasions to show the regime. By using the technicians of Network or his enlarged branch officers of the intelligence of the unities or bands of killers, or of young people to which it had taught how to manufacture small bombs, the selection of the targets to be cut down was done according to criteria's hereafter:

1° The Hutu who discharged its function suitably, who liked Habyarimana and his Government.

2° Any Hutu who made watch of a certain intellectual level (for example Mr. Gapyisi).

3° Any Hutu whose assassination could be easily allotted to the government.

4° Any Hutu which the survey had of the difficulties of locating.

5° Any senior officer if it were possible.

6° No Tutsi born in Rwanda could cause the confidence of the FPR, if its death could easily be allotted to Habyarimana, there was nothing to regret (it is necessary to sacrifice Tutsi of the interior).

7° Intellectual Tutsi who could not adhere spontaneously to the ideology of the FPR like Landoald Ndasingwa whom we missed several times.

8° Tutsi who in general resided in isolated places were assassinated collectively, and this kind of crimes was immediately charged to the MRND, by example the soldiers of the FPR did that in Kabatwa in Gisenyi, under the command of Gashayija Bagirigomwa, Moses Rubimbura of the service of information. These are not rumors, they occurred at the beginning 1994.

9° Even after the war, the FPR did not hesitate to sacrifice Tutsi to find the pretext of go

to plunder minerals and lumber in Zaire:

 - It sacrificed the Bagogwe at Mudende, that which in doubt can require the evidence of them, we will provide them to him

- It sacrificed the Banyamurenge at Biura and elsewhere, and that is not a secrecy for anybody.


- The technicians of the Town of Kigali (Network) committed innumerable crimes.

As I said at the beginning, Network is a broad network made up of elements only known by those who select them. For the remainder, each one knew that with which it was affected. If it happened that you meet some share with another, which you suspect of

being your Inkotanyi comrade, there was even no question of making him a wink, because he was achieving a mission different from your. We were involved to occupy us only of what concerned us, each one personally carrying out the received instructions. The criteria of selection were as follows:


1. To be tutsi of father and mother: the examination of this criterion was not to leave any doubt and was not accepted that after a deepened examination, the candidate was to then enjoy greatest confidence.

2. To refer physical or to look like a Hutu was an asset, because it was not necessary for them to be camouflaged, the others that posted the face of Tutsi, it was necessary for us to circulate with motorbikes. Each time one feared to be known, we put the helmet on our heads, and one endorsed the tools of the agronomists, this camouflage enabled you to go to carry out the task for which you had come.

3. To know Rwanda perfectly, especially the town of Kigali was advantageous because there the center of the majority of the activities was.

4. To be a Hutu, of public notoriety, in condition never of not having resided at Rwanda, and to have shown a great hostility towards the Hutu, by disavowing your ethnic membership, and without fear to pour your blood.

5. To be Hutu, born in Rwanda for missions determined very well and isolated from the

others, one took care not to put to you in contact with other missions dispatched at Kigali.

Openly or without your knowledge, you were spun by more than five agents of the services of information of Inkotanyi.

- Personal work was different from that of the others, it happened that one crossed there during the execution of a mission without knowing, but certain secret instructions could enable you to be recognized mutually in the event of need. There were young people who ensured everywhere the services of taxi motorbikes in the country; they furrowed all the places of gatherings of the politicians, taximen, commanders of the military unities or dignitaries Hutu. Boys of street were sent in the streets of Cyimihurura, among the dockers of the markets, some were going to mix with Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi or Bakombozi. Others worked clandestinely, they worked during the night, and others still were engaged as pump assistants at the gasoline stations. Work was diversified so much that when it took again hostilities there, Kagame had all information, which he needed to undertake his last decisive battle.


Each one of those who were considered to be able to involve the others, received the order to recruit the greatest number of accomplices, and often the latter did not know that they had in front of them a Inkotanyi soldier, they had only the impression to have an interlocutor in sympathy with the FPR. We received also instructions to carry out special surveys into personalities, to provide the reports of them by specifying if their assassination could be useful to us, and if it were possible.


- When the negotiations arrived at the conclusion that the FPR Inkotanyi could enter in Kigali with its 600 soldiers, the trap of the FPR was closed again on a new catch. The selection of these soldiers was done with a highly intelligent calculation, because they were not soldiers only we were accustomed to seeing. Here how that occurred:

1. Each unity sent a man of great confidence, a soldier who had eaten the teeth of the heart (pitiless), excessively devoted, who almost did not need a superior, able to draw from complicated situations without being assisted, gunner of elite, an example of courage and easy trigger.

2. The selection went on the best commanders, the best in the services of information, and which had had a drive sufficient for the urban guerrilla warfare, in order to not see any obstacle to be seized Kigali. We had memorized that one dies the come day, that all the risks deserved to be taken, that courage was the mother of all the other values, that in no case, one did not have to give to the enemy the opportunity to gain the victory.

3. According to the usual structures of command of the army, the Sergeants and corporals had troops under their command on the level of the Section. It was not thus with the third battalion of Inkotanyi, the sergeants were mixed with the corporals under the command with a second lieutenant or a sergeant estimated to have competences of the officers. What I want to explain here is that it acted of an autonomous force, which did not need to receive instructions too much, where each soldier could obey his own orders and succeed.

4. In more of the lesson exempted on the situation of the town of Kigali, our soldiers took turns in the convoys of escorts that went to Kigali, so that the greatest number among us have the possibility of looking of their own eyes all the districts of the Town of Kigali and its suburbs.


- Concerning ordinary Network which was under the high command of Mulindi, the structure somewhat changed, after the arrival of the 600 soldiers with Kigali; us

all were placed under the command of Lt-Colonel Kayonga. Front, urgent information forwarded by Karake Karenzi who represented the APR in GOMN and at the MINUAR.

It is as from this moment that the things really changed in our heads, us had carried out all that Kigali had fallen between our hands, and that we were going to burst the belly of the Hutu of Habyarimana. That is here what was going to achieve the Apocalypse predicted by Colonel Bagosora, without knowing that the FPR had prepared one of them as well.


- Disorder within the governmental army, the absence of protection of the city in spite of the omnipresence of Interahamwe, soldiers and gendarmes gave us desire of us for seizing some. Everyone agreed for saying that it was easy to seize Kigali, but that the consequences would be difficult to manage. All those who worked on the ground near the population, near the political parties, at Interahamwe, to the politicians agreed for saying that the greatest number of Rwandan privileged the way of the agreements of Arusha, but that for the extremists, Arusha remained an illusion. For the two parties in the conflict, it did not remain any more that to consider plan A, who consisted in seeking how to take again the hostilities, because plan B, which was to intervene after the integration of the

two armies in a national army, remained a secrecy suitable for each party. All the predictions affirmed that the hostilities were to begin again without fault, that they would be very violent and that they were going to enormously carry human lives among the civil population.




It was necessary to specify the reasons of them like the hope to gain the victory quickly, i.e. to seek the shortest distance to go to the victory.

Let me be explained on these points:


- After having poked the tensions, and sown the disorders within the political parties, which were divided into factions, ones to support the FPR and the others to fight it, FPR had just operated a division between the forces of the Hutu and the armed forces.

Even if these last were not authorized to make policy, certain political opinions liked much more them than of the others. From the time the armed forces were also divided by these currents, which crossed the other Rwandans. Some think that these divisions were the work of all alone Habyarimana, it is not true, because his capacity of control was limited, I speak about those that fought him, even if they did not support the FPR. The FPR did not like them and it did not need to be liked by them, it required rather that they make errors being able to justify the resumption of the hostilities.


- After having assassinated the various politicians and having tried to assassinate others without success and having rejected the culpability on the MRND, although the MRND and the CDR assassinated themselves some of them, the Government was condemned by the opinion of the greatest number owing to the fact that it sowed the disorder to prevent the installation of the Government of National Union at basis enlarged in accordance with the agreements of Arusha.

The Government fell thus into the trap from the FPR, this last one keeping the high head.

Really, while reconsidering our activities, us other Inkotanyi in the territories under our control, and inhuman treatment that we inflict the innocent populations originating from the North of the Country, it was difficult to distinguish our behavior from that of

Impuzamugambi. Then extremists of Habyarimana, his closer collaborators who were often originating in the North of the Country did not find any reason not to admit the CDR in the Government, whereas the MRND which had created it and which made use of it, was going to take part in it. One cannot understand why the FPR and its armed branch the APR were going to enter the Government being also criminals of blood like I explained it higher. For the FPR as for Habyarimana, the reasons called upon to refuse to form the government were only pretexts, which ordinary people could not understand. What is regrettable is, that in general, it is difficult to render comprehensible with people how the FPR assassinated people discreetly, to then charge the responsibility for it to the MRND and the Government, which did not find arguments to contradict these false charges.


The difference between the FPR and the Government laid in the fact that the assassinations perpetrated by the FPR was the fact of sufficiently involved professionals, it did them without media din, prevented that the independent observers come to check at the time when the Government assassinated with its Interahamwe after their having given drug and made of it publicity by the radio RTLM, by all the newspapers controlled by Habyarimana.




The first trick of the FPR is to deny in block all the crimes, which it committed until the moment when it notes that its consents cannot no longer carry any damage to him. During

all the duration of the war, the FPR accepted the presence of the journalists on his territory only when it was sure that the latter were not hostile with its policy. The others were among those it had appointed as its corrupted journalist like Hussein Abdou Hassan of BBC. Everyone wondered whether he was an Inkotanyi or if he acted as a journalist of a radio worthy of respect like the BBC. When it let the journalists circulate on its territory, the FPR made them come according to its suitability, led where he wanted and said to them according to circumstances' that the zone to be visited was trapped mines, or that combat violent one were held there. Finally, one walked them only in localities prepared for a long time in advance. Often, one led them along the border instead of their showing the interior of the Country. They traversed long distances thus and slept after having been tired without to have to enter to Rwanda even on 1 km of depth. This trick benefited Inkotanyi, no journalist who has ever been able to arrive where they committed abominable crimes.


Another point where Inkotanyi were more crafty ones than the governmental forces,

consisted in killing then to burn the corpses, to scatter of their ashes far from the place of the crime. It was not easy to locate the remainders of the bodies. However, we know each of these places. It was practically impossible to surprise Inkotanyi, because the entry in their zone was subordinated to an authorization, and that who ever received it you took him along where you he wanted.




To die in any manner does not happen without fear, but I will speak about death as inflicted on the two sides by the protagonists. It is what I saw with my own eyes, that it is at Inkotanyi and in the extremists of the Government or their security services.


AT THE INKOTANYI, which opened the atrocities on the 4-10-1990 after the death of Rwigyema, which has occurred the 02/10/1990. I quote it because the army would never have accepted that it directed its effort to keep the civil population silent:

1. To attach the legs, arms on the back, to draw until the bursting from the chest, to put

the victim with knees, to strike him of an old hoe the head; he falls directly into the coma; you crash to pieces the two temples, and the head breaks like a piece of ground.

2. To attach people as I described above, to insert stabs in the coasts, to give bayonet and kick in the belly.

3. To attach somebody, to put a branch in the head until dead for lack of air follows from there.

4. To attach somebody, to pour oil in the two ears, he simultaneously to give slaps on the temples, the victim is taken of giddiness that makes him collapse.

5. To attach somebody with chains to the neck and to lay him down on the ground, to draw until total throttling.

6. To strongly attach somebody arms and legs, to suspend reversed on a beam drawn up horizontally until his blood squirts of the ears, mouth and nose, until dead follows from there.

7. When it was necessary to tap information with somebody before killing him, he was tortured to make him die in small fire: blows of knives on all the body, to burn the body with the juice of the plastic cans heated, to bore the sex with pins. To oblige the child to have sexual intercourse with her father or his mother, to oblige the brothers and sisters to have sexual intercourse before killing them, etc.

8. On several occasions, the victims required being able to be killed with the grenade or the cartridge, but they did not obtain satisfaction. Because the torturers took pleasure to contemplate their long anguish patiently. The only ones who from time to time could be killed with the cartridge were girls who had been violated by Inkotanyi, for to prevent that they do not throw a bad fate to them which would make them perish on the battle field. However, even if this crime (soldier raping) were committed on several occasions, the law repressed it severely. That is who ever was caught, was punished in an exemplary way. However, the violated girls who had not been killed were not informed of the

sanctions inflicted to their violators. Another point that I cannot omit to mention is that of the rape of the women, even if this crime were severely repressed. After violating them, pieces of iron was inserted to them or of wood in the sex and the victims died of vaginal hemorrhage.

9. To kill the children without making waste time with the soldiers, one took them by the legs to crash to pieces them on the wall, the child died from the broken head.

10. I do not know differently than by Radio Rwanda and RTLM who diffused that Inkotanyi had cut up the pregnant women to cause the abortion of the children whom they carried. If these facts took place, I do not know anything about the whole of it. Rather to kill the pregnant women, the soldiers gave them blows of knees to the belly and in the coasts, choked by covering their head with sheets of plastic, because according to the techniques of torture of which I am unaware of how Inkotanyi learned them, the latter affirmed that the pregnant woman resisted the blows of the old hoes or that they put too much time to die. 


CONCERNING THE INTERAHAMWE, the methods were not different, with share that the weapons used were not the same ones.

1. They proceeded to the mutilation of the bodies of the head to the feet.

2. They used strengthened bludgeons of nails, which broke cranium more directly.

3. They launched grenades where masses of crowd of people had piled up.

4. They killed the children like Inkotanyi.

5. They killed the girls whom they had just raped.

6. They cut up the pregnant women, and I saw them personally.

7. They obliged the incompatible people for family reasons to make the incest.

8. And other cruel treatments, which they had learned from Inkotanyi.




FOR THE HUTU, it is worrying and sad to see how the Hutu massively answered the appeal to kill. Those that really attended the genocide are those who perpetrated it and us Inkotanyi who traversed the country as a combatant.

Let me get well understood, even if the witnesses able to provide irrefutable evidence of the perished, because even the survivors of the genocide remained hidden, without being able to observe what occurred, but this cannot prevent me from affirming that only the Hutu, of the President of the Republic to smallest of their children, engaged in projects of extermination of Tutsi, in the objective to finish once and for all of them.

To deny this obviousness would concern the bad faith, even for those that think that they do not have anything to be reproached. These rare cases are to be congratulated if they did not engage in the genocide, but they cannot contradict that the Hutu were not baited to make the genocide. To exterminate Tutsi was the work of the authorities of the summit at the basis, they were represented by the concerned with safety units, who implied themselves. It was also the work of all the militia, at such point that it is assimilated to a plan of extermination of the ethnos group, as it is stated and affirmed today.


FOR the TUTSI, never Tutsi did not act in concert or with the intention to exterminate the Hutu, they were not able to if one considers their force and their number. The problem arises differently when it comes to Inkotanyi, those who took pleasure to massacre the population like their Chief Kagame had ordered it. I remember that what pushed him to give such orders, are reports on the military operations, who said that it was impossible for Inkotanyi to enter inhabited zones, because these inhabitants drove out us by the public clamor, and because it had been recommended to them to raise dogs so that they bark before our arrival by alerting the governmental army and while making it possible for the population to evacuate their houses in time. And of saying to him: "the Hutu who is with us, affirm that the only use of the leaflets cannot make leave the heads of Bakiga (people of north) the ideology of the MRND, as our sessions of propaganda to which they do not even come to assist ". And to add: "Shave all these idiots. ». Kagame held this speech for the first time, at the time of his visit to the Unity "Yankee combined mobile force" which was based with GIKOBA, in Shonga commune, in Muvumba in December 1991. The unities based in this locality were called: Zulu, Nkrumah, Cheer, Mike, Sierra.... all, with combined mobile forces were upstream and downstream from the site occupied by Yankee.


Thus innocent people should not pay the crimes committed by Inkotanyi, who did not know anything of the creation of the FPR; this is why, I test sorrow to note that the Hutu of all the country were based on this pretext to exterminate a whole ethnos group.

In short, the Hutu, under the direction of the power in place and all its bodies, have

exterminated Tutsi, even the survivor who has escaped them was to die; those that outdistanced genocide are to be congratulated. Tutsi who formed the branch armed with Inkotanyi, killed the greatest number of possible Hutu, I want to speak about all those who were located or about those whose one could find the means of eliminating. This crime is charged to nearly 23 000 soldiers, the majority made it on order, others made it for their own pleasure, on authorization express of Sieur Kagame.




Understanding this point would make it possible to know why the genocide was possible, and what was made to activate it so that the FPR has the pretext of start again the war, to carry the final victory.

This remained the invariable intention of Kagame; it was the plan that he had conceived in 1992, 1993, and in 1994: to show with the international opinion that the Government massacred innocent populations, that it was unable to adhere to the human rights. It reached that point after having been delivered to the assassination of the politicians or Tutsi, to charge these crimes to the Government. The fast victory was only possible if there were reasons to reduce the number of combatants on the battle field, what implied to divide the Hutu as a preliminary, and to seek the reasons for diversion of the attention of the greatest number of the soldiers in favor of other objectives, at the moment when he planned a priority way to seize the power. This required passing by the fastest way, which consisted in sowing the disorders by killing Habyarimana, but while sacrificing in exchange, Tutsi who lived inside the country.


Then, so that this victory is possible, the APR was to implement the plan of Kagame: "Let us make it so that the majority of the soldiers begin in slaughters, in rapes of the girls, but let us keep of all that can divert us our only objective to seize the power, to help the people in danger only where that corresponds to the layout of our course. ». Us, the children who had left Rwanda knowing that we leave our parents there, were shocked by the behavior of Kagame, in what he invited to stop the genocide. We were able to ask to ourselves whether the rumor which one once spread were not true, "that there was no more Tutsi in Rwanda, or that if it there had ones which had the aspect of Tutsi, that their manner of thinking and of acting corresponded to that of the Hutu ".





The true FPR of Kagame was not that which one described through Radios. As I said, this FPR, which held its meetings in living rooms, was different from that of Kanyarengwe. This parallel movement of the FPR had the interests to assassinate Habyarimana hereafter:

1. With his death, it was difficult to find the person able to gather and organize people

being able to resist with last energy, with advanced FPR. The reason it was that it was very difficult to find somebody who profits from such a political authority, but especially of a real authority on the armed forces, which they obeyed. It was also impossible to find somebody who is as qualified as Habyarimana. In the field of the negotiations as regards external assistance, because he counted friends among the various Heads of States. Moreover, I do not believe in the remarks of those that support that the population did not like Habyarimana any more, because after his death we attended demonstrations of sympathy of all the population. In short, to replace especially proved to be complicated that the Country was to be plunged in the fire of the engagements, a little everywhere, including the town of Kigali.

2. The death of Habyarimana was going to cause disorders, which were to involve innumerable losses in human lives. Except Habyarimana, all the reports of the agents of Network coming from Kigali stipulated that the assassination of an eminent personage was to involve the immediate extermination of Tutsi. This must be considered by all true plans. When we assassinated Katumba, who was only one Interahamwe only known in Gakinjiro, didn't one avenge it while killing for the thousands of Tutsi? Think that Kagame did not raise the question: "that the assassination of a personality like Habyarimana-Kinani can cause? "When we took again the combat with Muvumba, thousands of Tutsi were massacred in Bugesera, how did he think the consequences of the assassination of Kinani? Who was unaware of the tensions caused by the ssassination of Gatabazi, and he was killed by Inkotanyi, who the following day, also assassinated Bucyana, from where blood was widespread on all the country?

Kagame really expected the consequences that were going to rise from the assassination of Habyarimana. These consequences corresponded to the interests of Kagame, who knew that the initial reaction of the FAR, GP, Interahamwe, CDR and their assistants were to pursue Tutsi and to massacre them, without the latter having to know what had occurred. While they devoted all their energy to kill, to violate Tutsi, and to plunder their goods, we were ready to walk discreetly on Kigali and to seize the power.

3. Assassinating Habyarimana was the most direct way to make the agreements of Arusha inoperative, because nobody was qualified any more to continue the negotiations in

the immediate future, to replace the President deceased.

4. The way in which Habyarimana was assassinated and the testimonies provided by those who know something of it, me including, were largely commented on, even if the media whose I am unaware of the sources in addition, diffused as they liked it. That is

not my work, those who carried out the investigations, those who will be shown and those who will be defended know how they will proceed to show or to defend oneself.

Concerning other massacres made by the FPR, I will make the written denunciation of it in a detailed way, while specifying, according to my memories, the responsibility for each one of those which took share there, because I took part in the launching of this war and its exit, I am unaware of only what occurred where I missed at the time of the

facts. Without drawing aside the information provided by the others. The main part of the testimonies on the assassination of Habyarimana which I did not like at all because I fought it, were provided by people that Kagame and his closest did not suspect. He will be astonished to see himself marked by his accomplices whom he took for the faithful ones, or that he continues to regard as such by error.

5. Acting of people who carried out the orders of Kagame to shot down the plane, or to transport missiles in Kigali and Masaka, and for which I request the protection of the international community so that they are not eliminated from the day at the following day in the intention to make disappear the evidence, I will quote some of them so that one remains vigilant in their connection.

- Major RUZAHAZA, who ensured the direction of the soldiers who convoyed the missiles, at the time of their transport from Mulindi. He had the rank of captain at that time and directed a team of 6 soldiers; they were accompanied by the MINUAR that was made up of soldiers originating from Ghana. The latter did not know that these missiles had been charged in the truck.

- Adjudant 2 demobilized Eugene SAFARI whom one called KARAKONJE for

his exaggerated fresh beer consumption, he drove the truck of transport of the firewood, on which one had charged 2 missiles packed in two large cases slipped

under wood.

- Sgt Moses NSENGA: he had the rank of corporal at that time, he is currently taken refuge in Uganda, he is the brother of Kayonga and among those which were with him at

the time of the loading of the missiles on the truck, there remains only sgt TUMUSHUKURU, others like the adjudant Stanley RWAMAPASI, who was a corporal, is deceased in 1998, the other was adjudant SEROMBA, he had the rank of corporal at the time. Was present also at the time of the loading, the soldier Joseph NZABAMWITA, he is currently Lt Colonel perhaps. There was also the Major BIRASA who had the rank of captain; Kagame assassinated this last one.

- Sgt MAZIMPAKA Didier: he can have the rank of second lieutenant today.

He drove the van Toyota Stout 2002 that transported the two missiles used to cut down the plane of Habyarimana. He transported the gunners of the missiles, left at the place from where they could draw; he is turned over to take them for the CND after having carried out the mission. He was often trapped to be eliminated, and he has escaped by chance, by knowing it or by not knowing it.

- Captain Frank NZIZA: he had the rank of second lieutenant in time; he was marksman of missiles of category SA16, that us, we called SAM 16. It is him who shot down the plane and reduced it in crumbs. Before sending three other soldiers in Uganda, for training, it was only him among Inkotanyi with knowing to fire the missiles. The three others who followed the training are: Sgt NYAMVUMBA Andrew, Sgt TWAHIRWA Steven, Cpl HAKIZIMANA Eric, all belonged to the quotas of the High command which ensured the personal guard of Kagame.

- Cpl Eric HAKIZIMANA obtained the rank of lieutenant today: it is him who carried out the first shooting on the plane, it touched it with its right wing without descending it, it could still land correctly on the airport, it was the second shooting which cut down it definitively.

- Sgt NTAMBARA Potiano, he currently has the rank of lieutenant: he was also installed on board the Toyota which had transported the two missiles, like somebody who was to ensure the safety of it, and was turned over with.

- Sgt Aloys RUYENZI: he is currently taken refuge in Uganda with the rank of second

lieutenant. At this time there, he had replaced lieutenant Silas UDAHEMUKA temporarily, the chief of the services of information of Kagame. Ruyenzi followed very closely the meeting which decided to cut down the plane. Among the participants in the meeting which the Major general Paul Kagame directed and who gave orders, appeared Colonel Kayumba Nyamwasa, Lt-Colonel James Kabarebe, Colonel Charles Lizinde, Major Jacob Tumwine, Captain Charles Karamba. This meeting was held the 31-03-1994, all are still in life except for Lizinde who was assassinated in his exile with the reasons in connection with this affair. At this time, Sgt KARABAYINGA, who currently has the rank of lieutenant, the guard of the conference room went up in company of the Sergeant Peter SEMPA, this one last died in Bukavu in 1996, in still not clarified circumstances.


One could draw up a long list of witnesses, because they are numerous to have been informed on the way in which this plane was cut down, especially among those who worked for Network, the soldiers who constituted the 3rd Battalion of Kigali. What is worrying is that any person who will be suspected of having contributed to the escape of this information will be eliminated by Kagame if no guarantee of protection is brought to him, as it was the case of the Captain Hubert KAMUGISHA who ensured the command in missions of detectives that we carry out in Kigali, in particular at Interahamwe, everyone knows that after having decided to kill him, Kagame organized his assassination in Bugesera and forced the escort which accompanied him to affirm that he intended it to commit suicide while drawing above. That why it is not any more in the good graces of Kagame, or who can be suspected of not being more in measure to keep this secrecy was liquidated or is maintained under high monitoring. So that all the Rwandans understand how these things occurred, I go, in accordance with my memories, to publish soon the list of all the names of those who formed part of the staffs of technicians according to their assignment in Kigali and in the remainder of the country.







This point is very serious, and the day when the Rwandans will understand it sufficiently, they will express in the streets to request the resignation of Kagame, so that he is transferred in front of the courts following the example other criminals.

Let me show you that the APR had all the means of assisting the people in danger, but that for Kagame this objective did not constitute a priority at all:

1. The soldiers of Inkotanyi were accustomed to carrying out a walk from at least 30 kms with 80 kms per day, and to put itself immediately at the combat. That is not an exaggeration because the 59ème Bataillon, party of Butaro, arrived at Miyove before fallen the night, whereas its progression had been lengthily slowed down by Kagame under pretext which he wanted initially to give of be-saying instructions, whereas he knew perfectly the orders which he had given to his company commanders. The following day this 59ème Bataillon continued its walk towards the CND to arrive the 10/04 during the day. Other battalions like Cheer and Alpha, put only two days, a party of battalion 101 arrived, with the battalions of head, a party of the Military Police force arrived the 3rd day i.e. the 09/04. In these moments, the privates and the corporals transported a loading of 30 kg each one in more of their individual equipment, while going during the night and during the day because one needed sufficient cartridges to break the bolt, which closed the road of Byumba. These examples are sufficient to understand the force that we had to carry out a walk of more than 100 kms for those who had left Butaro, and who had arrived at Kigali in three days, and as a combatant during all the course. 


2. As the days passed, many children of Inkotanyi joined the FPR coming from Rwanda, at such point that with the saying of those from Ugandan that there was no more Tutsi alive in Rwanda, that Tutsi who were still there were the greedy ones who had refused to be exiled, or who had adopted the manner of thinking of the Hutu, us, we nourished the firm will to assist our parents who were perishing. What was most painful and which pushed some of our comrades to commit suicide is that they tested too much sorrow to be seen prohibited from bringing help to the people who were killed under their

eyes: comrades took their rifle and gave each other death by saying that they had been mistaken while deciding to join Inkontanyi. Only me I was not mistaken, but I too much suffered to be prevented from assisting our parents whereas we had the means of doing it.


3. We knew the town of Kigali more than its inhabitants, because we had to know the passages that even the rats borrowed. We knew Kigali of day like night, with the capacity to locate without error all the corners and the recesses where could reside all those who needed our assistance. Kigali put aside, it was easy to go everywhere in the country, because of the multiple source of the children (Inkotanyi), and of the great number of those who could indicate their region of origin to us.


4. In Rwanda, the localities where there was a strong density of Tutsi that needed help

were very well known, and they were not very numerous: it was basically the locality of Bugesera, of Kibuye, of Butare, of Rwamagana, …, and those who could intervene in a locality could continue in others in the vicinity.


5. And now let us see how Kagame did not have the least will to help Tutsi than they had just thrown consciously in the claws of an unquestionable death.


Let us start with the only town of Kigali.

- How can one understand, with the examination of our forces, the extent of the long distances we could traverse, that the APR could not help people who perished with the ETO of Kicukiro, if he really had wanted to help these people? This is because he did not know that they were there? This would be because this place which one can reach while crossing the road which carries out to the CND at less than one hour of walk, had moved away from advantage?

- What is the distance to be traversed between Rebero and Rwampara prevented us from assisting from people who perished there?

- How to explain that on the small bridge close to the station of Nyabugogo, in direction of Gatsyata, did Interahamwe install a barrier that made it possible to decimate people in spite of the installation of the Battalion Cheer by Kagame on the Jari mount? How

to understand that people were killed in Gisozi, Kagugu, and Kinyinya which were with less than two kilometers of Inkotanyi?

- Which distance was there between the CND and Kacyiru, Cyimicanga, and even between the CND and the church of the Holy Family so that people do perish without nothing being done to help them?

- How to explain that to Bugesera, in Nyamata which is only with 35 kms of Kigali and which abounds in Inkotanyi, were people decimated without the least reaction? There is couldn't military camps of greater scale than the military positions of Ruhengeri and Byumba where the soldiers full with rage of Habyarimana prevent us from advancing?


Let us see now apart from Kigali.

- Except Bugesera of which I spoke, which obstacle prevented us from intervening in Kabuga, in Rwamagana? Is this so much far that it was impossible for us to arrive there?

If after we showed with Rwandan and the whole world that we were able to walk until Kinshassa to 4000 kms, because this course was not carried out in the plane whereas we had obliged to make zigzags to lengthen the distance to be traversed, what did not prevent us from arriving at Kinshasa in 150 days, that wants to say that we made 26 kms per day. It was the smallest way since we could traverse 80 kms.

- Concerning the distant areas like Butare, why Tutsi there were massacred, whereas the genocide began only one month later... In Kibuye, who helped these people, who only organized their resistance until the end of June, for finally letting itself cut down like animals without shepherd?

- Without going too far, let us return close from the entry of the CND to 20 meters of

Inkotanyi which loved people: why Kayonga who knew that the plane of the President was going to be cut down, did not order or train the civil ones to close the doors of the

CND so that nobody has to reproach us for having hidden Tutsi with the CND?

- How many corpses of Tutsi on which the vehicles ran one did not see with the roundabout of Kimihurura after their having closed the entry with the CND where these people could save their life? How to sacrifice Tutsi more than that?



What I can add is that each time that it was a question of helping people, one proceeded to it in three different ways:

1. Somebody whom FPR will need to use after seeing that he will be able.

2. People who could be by chance on the course traced by the FPR, it released them and put them in sure place.

3. The seized commanders of pity took the risk of the initiative without the knowledge of Kagame. To help the population tutsi was not considered by the plan of attack of Kagame.


Then let us see which environment reigned at Inkotanyi installed in Kigali during the Genocide.

In my quality of soldier broken with the art of the war, I have the conviction that the rest of the warriors is necessary to have the fresh troops able to take turns and intervene each time of need. But let us see why there was no plan of help. In Kigali, there were following battalions, some arrived there front, others were on the spot made up because they did not exist. There was Alpha, Cheer, 59ème, 7th; the 3èm, the Military Police force, the battalion of Artillery and air Defense, 5th, 21st. With the exception of the 3rd battalion and Military Police force, the other battalions included several companies of ABC, the smallest battalion was made of 10 companies and each one counted at least 170 people. They were large battalions which counted to 2 000 people, plus thousands of technicians who had infiltrated in Kigali.

Actually, and it is not a lie, the only Town of Kigali counted more than 12 000 troops Inkotanyi, and Tutsi continued to be massacred everywhere. After the total capture of Gikondo (Magerwa), it is sad to note that while the blood of our parents continued to be

poured, Afandes affected largest of their troops to the dirty jobs to plunder the department stores, like Magerwa precisely. There was no question for these soldiers of going to the help of people, because Kagame had not specified it in the orders that he had given, and that who was warned to take the initiative of it, to intervene where he had not been sent, ran the risk of imprisonment if he had lost a man.

The Sirs Kaka, Dodo, Ngoga, Bagire, Kayonga were all in the competition for the plundering of greatest number of Cruisers Land, and to transform them into jeeps for their escorts, they acted like soldiers very similar to Interahamwe. In truth, all that will rot starting with the top commanders. There ever were better combatants than those I have just appointed higher, let us add there Kaddafi, Nyamurangwa, Kwikiriza, Kalisa, Rwigamba, Nkubito... and several others for which one admitted that they were qualified. But as they had never received the order to go to the help those who needed help, their soldiers delivered themselves to having sex with women, with the plundering of Nido, with intoxicating themselves by Carlsberg, whisky, Mutzig and Primus.

Thus plundering became an endemic disease; Interahamwe killed and plundered, while the APR continued with plundering in Magerwa and in the Sugar refinery of Kabuye.

After having exterminated innocent people in Byumba, they proceeded to hunting for the survivors of the suburbs, and after they started to plunder and convoy the spoils in Uganda. It is sad. I will write all these facts in a more detailed way.




He created here an important trap which he tightened, and he will be the first to fall into it. I have shown how the things evolved in the two camps; how Interahamwe increased their cruelty, and that the first who were characterized for their cruelty in the massacres are these even who had fled the combat of the FPR that decimated the members of their families in Byumba and Ruhengeri: they had become as true animal when they emerged with the entry of Kigali, they were not able any more to distinguish Inkotanyi from Tutsi. The situation worsened by divisive propaganda, the assassination of the President and his dignitaries, whereas it was them who were the Masters of Interahamwe and of the army, and they did not see any other person likely to contain the advance of the FPR. Nothing else could result from this chaos created after the death of the President, if it is not the genocide of Tutsi.


What can be the errors that he could make, in comparison of the massacres, torture and cruel treatments that Hutu Interahamwe inflicted to the Tutsi; Kagame was first of all regarded as the providential man who stopped the genocide. And for him, who likes too much honors, it was easy to inform people of this high fact in his search for legitimacy of the power with a view to reduce to silence the other applicants and to impose his will to them. From now on any unmatched vote was repressed like that of the criminal of the genocide. When the international community advised to him to go slowly, he replied to them that they were to keep silent as well, because people were decimated because of their indifference, whereas the fate of the regime of the killers regulated to him by stopping the genocide, "that has to say about our problems? ». And now, he continuously auto proclaim himself the wise one like he really helped the desperate in time of need. One Rwandan proverb said, "the small bull which decimates the herd of cows is born in this herd". A Tutsi gave the killers of Tutsi the pretext of exterminating them and forsook them afterwards.




Apart from the known thought that all the wars of national release between the rebels and the national armies are held in the same way, I noted many differences in the war of Inkotanyi and those which want to perpetuate the lie seek their arguments there.

Firstly, the war was launched starting from Uganda and was carried out by young people belonging mainly to the Tutsi ethnic group. These young people came from all the countries: Uganda, Tanzania, Zaire, Burundi, Rwanda, Kenya and besides but in small number.

This information is sufficient to understand the implication of each one of these countries in this conflict. On that basis, it is clear that all these countries, except Rwanda, knew or tolerated that the Tutsi young people cross their borders to go to take part in this war.

Certain countries placed at their disposal their services of information to facilitate the passage at the border. More than 300 000 forwarded by the Burundian territory.

All passed by Burundi before gaining Uganda. A greater number forwarded by Uganda, because it was an obliged passage.


Secondly, Rwanda, as Inkotanyi do not have an arms factory, they were all to buy them. Buying means that you have customers on the two sides. Rwanda bought weapons and the ammunition with its money, and it received them from its friendly countries per way of co-operation or credit. Among these countries, there is Belgium, France, China, the Republic of South Africa, Egypt, Russia and well of others. War always requires a modern armament to be able to face that of the enemy that means that one must buy new weapons, which require military instructors generally provided by other countries. Nobody can deny that there were French instructors or Belgians who were involved in the training of the Rwandan armed forces. And for Inkotanyi, nobody can deny that they profited Ugandan instructors, and some even went to follow formations in friendly countries. Nothing can occult this logic.

Among the current questions, Rwanda reproaches the French for having trained Interahamwe, and to have thus a great part of responsibility in the genocide. Me I put the following question: which kind of equipment in high technology for Interahamwe required the suitable instruction of French soldiers?


Interahamwe killed with the machete and the grenade, they also had small rifles which circulated largely in the country and whose training on how to handle could be done by the communal police force. That would be comprehensible if one had reproached the French for having come to sow the hatred of Tutsi at Interahamwe, to have come to teach them how to overcome human fear to pour blood unnecessarily, or if they had been placed at the head of their command, except that there is not even interest; to kill simple Tutsi of the hills does not require any contest on behalf of a French expert. The French are not saints, because as we hated Habyarimana, they considered him like one of their dearest friends. This means that for me and all Inkotanyi the friend of our enemy was

our enemy. Why this lie remains does it have to spread infinitely? I announced all the places where us, Inkotanyi, massacred populations, is this in so far as Barundi which helped us or the Ugandan who involved us and provided weapons must appear before the courts for crime of genocide? After our victory, we started a war of aggression against Congo-Zaire, is this true step only the Rwandan soldiers profited from the training of the Americans, Israelis, North-Koreans, of the South-Africans, the Ethiopian ones, Eritreans, Russians, or Kenyans, and others which I do not want to name; is this to say that these countries which trained our army are responsible for the massacres which we perpetrated on the Congolese and Hutu refugees in Zaire? Our army included elements of Ugandan nationality and nobody disputes this fact since Kagame even confirmed it, he even organized official ceremonies of good-bye, and these are the Ugandan elements who drew with the heavy weapons, 122 mm, 107 mm, 120 mm. For as much Uganda has to be apprehended to answer of the charges of genocide?



Finally people will understand that the friends of Habyarimana came to Rwanda to defend their common interests, because it could poison the international community that ran to his help. And yet this finished in 1990. Alerted by Habyarimana that Uganda had attacked Rwanda, Belgium and Zaire hastened to send their troops to Rwanda, when they realized that it acted of Tutsi who regained their country, they were withdrawn immediately, the French in their turn said themselves that their friend Kinani did

not have to be given up, they arrived at Rwanda to also deliver to the trade drug produced by the company of the Habyarimana-Mitterand families in the forest of Nyungwe. The markets of the armaments and the ammunition enrich the tradesmen by these goods, and this enrichment is an explanation of the relations between Mitterand and Habyarimana, and the FPR made the refrain of its song of it, to be able to cover the serious crimes that it made, with share, which it cannot be discharged of it.




The United Nations Organization (UNO) should leave its reserve and reject the opprobrium which one covers it without justifications that it did not bring its assistance to the Rwandans. Are there orders given by UNO to the Hutu and Tutsi to fight? Have one forgotten Kagame’s speech, which intimated to UNO the order to come at the moment or to give up this step in the contrary case, while launching the challenge that he was going himself to stop the genocide? If UNO had intervened with its troops of naive soldiers on whom one would not have hesitated with shooting at, to which will have one to charge the responsibility for it? Who composes UNO? Why, among the Large ones that are the permanent members of its Security Council, would one among be alone to them with being pointed finger? Was the only one with the power to stop this genocide?